^^4 

.u^^ 



V. 



NATIONAL POLITICS, 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. BENJAMIN E. LEITER, 



OF OEIIO, 

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AUGUST 12, 1856. 




The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the 
state of the Union — 
Mr. LEITER said: 

Mr, Chairman: The question which now 
agitates this country, and has so often convulsed 
it from its center to its circumference, I regard as 
the most dangerous and most to be dreade'd (pf all 
questions ever presented to the consideration of 
the American people. It was the source of im- 
mense difficulty among the people who first per- 
manently settled on this continent, and from its 
first introduction down to the present day has 
done more mischief than all the other agitating 
subjects discussed before the people. While we 
were yet under the colonial government, the 
people saw its evil consequences, and denounced 
it in strong and emphatic language as a mon- 
strous evil. The colonial Assembly of Virginia 
frequently passed laws restricting or prohibiting 
the slave trade. If they had regarded slavery as 
her representatives now do, there never would 
have been such acts passed. Tiiey regarded it as 
an evil and a curse upon the energies of the col- 
ony. Now her representatives regard it &s a 
blessing. "What a change ! 

I will now call the attention of gentlemen who 
claim that slavery is right and a great blessing to 
the opinions and judgments of those who have 
gone before them, and whose opinions are held 
m high esteem by all good men. In June, 1774, 
the people of Prince George's county, Virginia, 
at a general meeting, passed the following reso- 
lution; 

" Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this 
'"olony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, prevents 
manufacturers and other useful emigrants from Europe 
from settling amon;;st us, and occasions an annual increase 
of the balance of trade asainst this colony." — ^iinerican 
^ir chives, 4ih series, vol. 1, p. 493, 

This resolution contains an unequivocal denun- 
ciation of the slave trade, and most assuredly of 
slavery. It may be claimed that it was only in- 
tended to prohibit the slave trade; but, sir, this 
claim cannot stand, for if slavery was a blessing, 
as it is now claimed, surely they would not 



have declared against it, but would have, by the 
slave trade, encouraged it. Those people had 
the correct view of it. They knew that free 
white laborers would not come under the contam- 
inating influence of it. They saw that it prevented 
mechanics and other useful emigrants from Eu- 
rope coming there. 

On the 7th day of July, 1774, the people of 
Culpepper county, Virginia, assembled at the 
court-house, in said county, and passed the fol- 
lowing resolution; 

" Resolved, That the importing slaves and convict ser- 
vants is injurious to this colony, as it obstructs the population 
of it with freemen and useful manufacturers, and that we 
will not buy any such slave or convict servant hereafter to 
be imported." 

If those colonists held the opinions of gentle- 
men from that State now occupying seats here, 
they were very simple indeed for thus declaring 
against a great blessing. They, sir, thank God, 
held no such principles and doctrines as are now 
taught by the representatives from the " Old 
Dominion." They were a liberty-loving people, 
whose desire it was to eradicate the evil, and 
not extend it over free territory. 

On the 11th day of July, 1774, a meeting was 
held by the inhabitants of Nansemond county, 
Virginia, at which a resolution was passed, which 
is an exact copy of the resolution passed at the 
Prince George's county meeting. 

On the 14th day of July, 1774, at a meeting in 
Caroline county, Virginia, a similar resolution 
passed . 

On the 16th day of July, 1774, the people of 
Surry county, Virginia, passed a resolution of the 
same import. 

Meetings were held in different counties of that 
colony, at which similar resolutions were passed. 
And on Monday, the 18th day of July, 1774, the 
people of Fairfax county, Virginia, at the court- 
house, in Alexandria, held a general meeting, 
over which George Washington presided, and 
passed the following resolutions: 

"Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting that, 
during our present difficulties and distress, no slaves ought 
to be imported into any of the British colonies on this ccn- 






tiiient; and we take ihi~ opportunily of doclanng our iimn 
earnest wishes to sec an entire slop forever pul to tiucii a 
wicked, cruel, and unnatural trade. 

" Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting that a 
solemn covenant and association should be entered into by 
llie inhabitants of all the colonies for this purpose." 

Was this declaration to be understood as only 
against the slave trade.' I think not, but do think 
it was intended as a fatak .stroke at the whole 
system of .slavery. They did not regard slavery 
as a blessiiiR; for if they liad so regarded it they 
never would have thus attempted to cripple and 
destroyit,byprcventing the importalionof slaves. 
In this meeting the "Father of his Country" 
figured. This meeting met his sanction and 
approval, and I am proud to refer to it. I thank 
God for the influence of his name in this crisis. 

A general meeting on this subject was held at 
Williamsburg, Virginia, on the 1st day of Au- 
gust, 1774, to whicli Thomas Jefferson was 
appointed a delegate, but was prevented from 
attending by sickness. This great apostle of 
Democracy, being anxious to give the weight of , 
his influence to the good cau.se, wrote a letter, 
addressed to the meeting, from which I will now 
read an extract: 

"The abolition of slavcrj' is the greatest object of my 
desire in these colonies, where it was unhappily introduced 
in their infant state ; but previous to the enrranchiscment | 
of the slaves we have, it is necessary to exclude all further 
importations from .\frica. Yet our repeated attempts to 
effect this by prohibitions, and by imposing duties, which 
might amount to a prohibition, have been hitheno defeated 
by his Majesty's negative: thus preferring the immediate ; 
advantage of a few African corsairs to the lasting interests , 
of the American States, and to the rights of human nature, : 
deeply wounded by this infamous practice."— .Imerkan 
^irchives, 4th series, vol. 1, p. 696. i 

" The abolition of slavery is the greatest object 
of my desire." Hear the words of the founder 
of American Democracy; the words of the "Sage 
of Monticello"— words that will live when ail 
selfishness and slavery will be forgotten. These 
words will never die — they are immortal ! Why, 
sir, this great and good man , this Ainerican Dem- 
ocrat, contemplated, not only tlie abolition of 
slavery, but the enfranchisement of the African. 
He knew what Democracy meant, and what was 
due to humanity. Here, too, you can learn the ' 
object of the meetings that were then held in the 
colony of Virginia. Their obj<'ct was not the 
abolition of the African slave trade alone, but the 
abolition of slavery also. They were anxious to 
get rid of a practice he branded as " infamous." 

Where could you get stronger language of con- 
demnation than from this patriot and statesman 
of Virginia against slavery? "An infamous 
practice!" Yes, infamous then, when human 
rights were respected, but a blessing now, when 
a universal disregard of the rights of humanity . 
pervades the ranks of the so-called Democracy. 

I have a beautiful quotation from a seriuon 
preached by the Rev. John J. Zubly, D. D.,ji^f 
Savannah, Georgia, on the 4th day of July, 1775. . 
" The law of liberty" — this was his subject: 

"That government and tyranny aro the hereditary right 
of some, and that slavery and oppression are the original 
doom of others, is a doctrine that would retlect dishonor 
uponOod. It is treason against all mankind." — American 
^iTchives, 4lh series, vol. -J, p. 154j. 

These are the words of a southern statesman and 
Christian in the days of primitive Democracy, and 
nurc and undefilcd Christianity. Here let northern 



men — northern Democrats — learn a lesson of pa- 
triotism and Christianity. Here, too, let south- 
ern inen hesitate and reflect upon the words of 
their glorious predecessors, and imitate their 
patriotic example, by raising their voices against 
the extension of an institution denounced and 
repudiated by them as " infamous," and reflect- 
ing " dishonor upon God," and " treason against 
all mankind." 

Now, sir, we find degenerate Georgians upon 
this floor, who have abandoned the true faith of 
their fathers upon this question, not only eulo- 
gizing slavery as a great blessing, but are quoting 
Scripture, and endeavoring to torture it into 
a favorable construction in support of this de- 
nounced and repudiated institution. Those gen- 
tlemen, in the language of Dr. Zubly, are heaping 
" dishonor upon God," and are guilty of " trea- 
son against all mankind." And yet, sir, these 
gentlemen claim to be " the real Simon pure De- 
mocracy." 

These doctrines, measures, and principles of 
Washington, Jefferson, and Dr. Zubly, were in- 
dorsed by the people of New Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode island, Connecticut, New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, 
Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, as 
I appears from the action of the First Continental 
I Congress, assennbled in Philadelphia, Penn.syl- 
vania, September 5, 1774. In that Congress, 
we find such patriots as George Washington, 
I John Adams, Roger Sherman, Patrick Henry, 
I John J^, Philip Livingston, Benjamin Harrison, 
; Riclferd Henry Lee, and a host of like spirits. 
I Thest names are immortal in memory, and will 
I live forever in American history. 
! When such men, surrounded with a halo of 
glory, denounce an institution as " wicked, cruel, 
and unnatural," who will defend it.' When such 
men declare an Institution " dangerous to virtue 
and the welfare of the country," who will sanction 
it? When such statesmen and sages brand as 
" infamous" an institution, who will defend,.sus- 
lain, or maintain it ? These are questions, sir, to 
which I will not claim a response from gentlemen 
now representing the slave States, to be publicly 
made; but I demand of them that each propound 
them to his own heart, secretly, quietly, and un- 
reservedly, as a man, and then sneak boldly the 
honest response of a pure heart, and this nation 
will be able to present such a galaxy of faithful 
anti-slavery nun as has never yet been seen. 

On the l'2ih day of January, 1775, the repre- 
sentatives of the district of Darien, Georgia, 
adopted the following preamble and resolution: 

" We, therefore, the KepresontalivpJ of the extensive dis- 
trict of Darien, in the colony of Georgia, having now assem- 
bled in Congress, l>y authority and tree choice of the inhahii- 
anLs of said district, now freed from their fetters, do resolve — 
to show the world that we are not inllucnced by any con- 
tracted or interested motives, but agtHrralfhiUtntkropyfor 
all manAiiiii, of wliatevcr climate, Uiit!;uasr, or cotnpltjion, 
hereby dccUire our disapiirohatioit and alhorrenct of the 
unnatural practice of ^Imerican slavery, (however the un- 
cultivated state of o'ur country, or other specious arguments 
may plead for it,) a practice founded in injustice and 
cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties, (as well as 
lives,) debasing part of our fellow creatures below men, and 
corrupting the virtue and moral.-* of Uic rest; and aa laying 
Ihe basis of thai liberty we contend for (and which we 
pray the Almighty to continue to the latest [wsterity) upon 
a very ktoih foundation. \Vc therelbrc resolve, at all 
times, to use Our utmost endeavors for the manumission oj 
our slaves in thii colony, npou the most safe and equitable 



N 



footing for the masters and themselves." — American Ar- 
chives, 4tli series, vol. 1, p. 1136. 

This, sir, at that early day, was the sentiment 
of the men of Darien — the men of Georgia, who 
loved liberty and respected the rights of man. 
These men saw the debasing injustice and cruelty 
of the " peculiar institution of the South. ' 
Slavery was not regarded by them as a " moral, 
social, and political blessing." No, sir, such 
sentiments had no place in their generous hearts. 
No argument, however strong, could induce 
them to sanction such an institution — such inhu- 
manity and flagrant violation of every principle 
of right and justice. 

Theirs was an enlarged philanthropy and 
embraced " all mankind, of whatever climate, 
language, or complexion," within its bounds. 

Self-interest, and even the uncultivated state of 
their country, were powerless arguments with 
those liberty-loving. Christian people. They, 
in their high regard and approbation of right and 
justice, declare their " disapprobation and abhor- 
rence of the unnatural practice of American 
slavery." Who, that ever loved liberty, did not? 
Who, that regards the rights of man and loves 
liberty, does now not despise and denounce it? 
Men of Georgia, you are the sons of noble sires. 
Your early history should be your pride, and 
you should study it daily and learn from it useful 
lessons. 

If time and space would permit, I could give 
you many instances of as strong expressions of 
disapprobation by the people of Virginia, North 
Carolina, and Georgia, as those cited by me; but, 
inasmuch as I have given fair cases for my pur- 
pose, I desist, and pass from those mentioned to 
the most important one that ever gave expression 
against human bondage. 

On the ever-memorable 4th of July, 177G, the 
friends of freedom in Congress, assembled in the 
city of Philadelphia, signed the Declaration of 
American Independence, which gave birth to our 
Republic and immortalized the memory of that 
day. They, sir, declared solemn truths that we 
should not forget. " We hold these truths to be 
self-evident: that all men are created equal; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain 
unalienable rights; that among these are life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 

Upon these principles our fatliers planted them- 
selves, with a firm reliance on the rectitude of 
their position, and appealed " to the Supreme 
Judge of the world" in support of the justice of 
their declaration. 

Those statesmen and patriots mutually pledged 
to each other, their lives, their fortunes, and their 
sacred honor, to carry out the principles of their 
declaration, so solemnly nade and published to 
the world. They, sir, sul nitted their principles 
to Almighty t d, and received His righteous ap- 
proval. They siiuwed that they meant what they 
said, and were determined, let come what would, 
to carry out their purpose of emancipation, not 
only of the whites, but of all the inhabitants of 
the land . " Proclaim liberty throughout the land 
and to every inhabitant thereof," was the motto 
of our patriot fathers. All men are born free 
and equal. Glorious, self-inspiring language — 
ideas grand, magnificent, majestic, and glorious 
-^born in heaven, and consigned by Almighty 
Qod to the care of our patriotic, humane, and 



benevolent fathers, for instruction to direct them 
in the establishment and perfection of our inde- 
pendence as a people, and the erection of a gov- 
ernment founded on those immutable principles 
of right and a common brotherhood of all man- 
kind. Those patriots and statesmen, in fulfill- 
ment of their pledges to the people and the country, 
by all their power and influence, endeavored to 
establish for universal freedom a firm foundation; 
and in all their acts, doings, and proceedings, this 
fact is developed. 

When the storms of adversity beat heavily 
upon them, and they had no power to look to 
except the justice of their cause, and the inter- 
position of God in strengthening their arms, they 
made their pledges in the sight of Heaven and 
the presence of men, faithfully and strictly to be 
redeemed. There is no time when true Chris- 
tianity can be so well tested as in adversity. 
When a heavy hand is laid upon the true Chris- 
tian, his property destroyed, abandoned by his 
friends, those of his household one by one called 
from time to eternity, until all is gone, and there 
is no one left to share his misfortunes and bereave- 
ment, then his integrity as a Christian is fully 
tested, and he will exclaim, in the language of 
Job, " The Lord giveth, and the Lord taketh 
away; blessed is the name of the Lord." 

When the true patriots of the Revolution saw 
that their rights had been usurped and trampled 
upon ruthlessly, and that they must eventually 
become slaves, they were ready to proclaim lib- 
erty throughout the land, and to every inhabit- 
ant thereof. It was the honest expression of 
the true patriots, made under the most exceed- 
ingly adverse circumstances. The black cloud 
of despotism had gathered around them, and was 
hanging portentously over them, threatening de- 
vastation and destruction. Their love of free- 
dom was not the result of a morbid and selfish 
desire for their personal aggrandizement; but a 
profound regard for right, justice, humanity, and 
obedience to a Christian requirement. They 
were unwilling to enter into a revolutionary 
struggle with the mother country, without first 
repudiating, denouncing, and renouncing all alle- 
giance to slavery. They could not beseech God's 
blessing upon themselves and their country while 
they were standing in direct antagonism with 
every principle of right, justice, humanity, and 
God's laws. They therefore promised God and 
the country that all men should be free, and duly 
made proclamation of the same. 

Their revolutionary struggle was successful, 
and their pledges were outstanding. They then 
entered upon the organization of a Government 
for their protection and security. They organ- 
ized a tottering Confederacy with but little confi- 
dence of success. They, in accordance with their 
pledges, attempted to secure the people in their 
right to life, liberty, and happiness by a hastily 
fitted-up confederated Government, which was 
soon found to be inadequate to that purpose. It 
was found that something must be done to make 
the objects of the confederation effectual, and 
secure men in their rights. 

The best and ablest statesmen in the land were 
sent to Philadelphia to digest and form a new 
Government for the nation. That convention, 
after patient deliberation, earnest debate, and 
cautious decision, presented to the people the 



present Constitution of the United States, which 
we may justly say surpasses any similar work 
of man. The Constitution, however, contained 
a few provisions iliat were objectional. The sec- 
tion licensing the African slave trade for twenty 
years was a national dishonor, and was so re- 
a;arded by George Mason, of Virginia, who used 
the following language against it: 

"This is a fatal section. The augmentation of slaves 
weakens the States ; and such a trade is diabolical in itself 
and disgraceful to mankind. But by this Constitution it is 
continued for twenty years. As much as ( value a union 
uf all the States, I would not admit the southern States into 
the Union, unless they agreed to Uie discontinuance of this 
disgraceful trade. I cannot t'.\press my detestation of it." 

Mr. Tyler, of Virginia, said of it: 

" My earnest desire is, that it should be handed down to 
])Osterity that I opposed this wicked clause." 

This article was a shameful profanity of the 
covenants and pledges of the fathers, solemnly 
made; yet the people, for the sake of union and 
harmony, adopted it, and it was quietly permitted 
to run out the time limited in its behalf. It now ' 
stands only as a monument of shame in our j 
Constitution. | 

"The augmentation of slaves weakens the 
State." This declaration comes with double 
force when we look at the present condition 
of our country. Who does not see its tottering 
condition now.' Who does not sec that the whole , 
trouble is caused by slavery? Who does not see 
that it has been gradually weaken iii; the bonds , 
of union .' Wlio does not now see its threatening 
and menacing position } Truer words than those 
spoken by George Mason, of Virginia, in regard 
to this institution, never fell from tlie lipsofman. 
They were solemn trutlis — prophetic words — and 
we now all realize their importance and truthful- 
ness. Would to God his admoiii'' ns had been 
liceded and his warning voice r rded ! But, 
unfortunately for the country, his warning voice, 
and those of his friends and compatriots, Gerry, 
Morris, Wilson, Randolph, Madison, and Luther 
Martin, with a host of others, were disregarded, 
and now we are reaping the reward of violated 
faith and broken -ovenant-s in a whirlwind of 
political excitement caused by that institution 
threatening our Union. 

The first step in the right direction was tlie ! 
passage of the ordinance ot 1787, for tlw govern- 
ment of the IVorthwostern Territory. That ordi- 
nance prohibitud slavery in all that immense ler- 
ritoy north of the river Ohio, which has now a 
population of over seven millions of freemen, and 
not a single slave. That mighty empire, which is 
now the most prosperous part of this Union, was 
saved to freedom and freemen, because of tliu pro- 
hibition of slavery ; for if that had not been done, 
that country, too, would now bu i-,ursed wii'i that 
blighting institution. That ordinance wh;.h met 
the approval and sanction of the patriots and sages 
of the R.volution— that ordinance which gave 
construction to the Constitution on the cjuestion of 
legislation by Congress for the Territories, and 
was intended to forever quiet all lamor about the 
question of slavery in the same, is now regarded 
as the greatest blessing ever bestowed upon the 
pconli- of the northwest. And now, sir, by in- 
iindment at lea.st, we are told that that measure 
of freedom when oassed was unconstiliitionul, 
and has ever since been fraudulent and void. For 



if the Missouri restriction was unconstitutional, 
most clearly the ordinance of 1787 is. All this 
we deny, sir, and claim for the Constitution the 
construction of the framers thereof. We think 
that the men that made it are as capable of con- 
struing it as even the j/iatZca;) politicians who have 
sprung u|) since their day, and have hewn out for 
themselves a construction for the Constitution 
remarkable only for its stupidity. 
Who ever lieard that the Missouri restriction 

; was unconstitutional until an illegitimate spawn 
of politicians, who had more faith in their own 
promotion by trickory than by faithful action, 
under the Constitution, as it was understood and 
interpreted from the time of its foundation until 
1854, when those would-be wise men discovered 

^ the squatter sovereignty doctrine , and claimed it as 
a panacea for all our political evils. This new 
doctrine, instead of being a blessing and great 
pacifier, is the most mischievous of any political 
dogma that has ever been presented to the con- 
sideration of the American people. 

Now, sir, I propose to look after the modern 
men and parties on this question of slavery, and 

I see where they have stood, and where they now 
stand, in regard to it. Up to the lime of the presi- 
dential election in 1844, there had been but little 

: said or done by any of the dominant political 

; parties of the country, although there had been 

I more or less discussion at intervals between that 
time and 1820, the time of the passage of what 
is commonly called the Missouri compromise. 

I I mean to be understood, that after 1820, up to the 
time of the agitation of ilie annexation of Texas, 
there was no general excitement in the country on 
the question of slavery, .<nd, sir, in 1844, by 
dint of good management, the question was 
controlled by politicians, who evaded any direct 
issue on the subject until after the election for 
President was over, and there was nothing to be 
gained or lost by agitation. Texas liad been 
annexed before Polk was inaugurated, and conse- 
quently the Democratic party stood sound before 
the country, it having escaped the responsibility 
of the annexation of Texas a slave State. 

But, sir, then came the Mexican war, with all 
; its consequences, growing out of the success of 
our arms in every battle. The flag of the nation 
] waved over the hall of the Montenumas. Mex- 
ico was a subdued nation, with lier army almost 
entirely destroyed, without any resources — with- 
out any character, and, indeed, without anything, 
not even a Government worthy of notice. Then, 
' sir, came negotiations for peace, with annexation 
of territory to l)e acquired from Mexico as in- 
demnity fur wrongs perpilrated upon our people 
and Government. Next came an excitement upon 
' the slavery question, with all its concomitant 
eriis, and continued up to 1852. During this 
period, however, a large amount of territory was 
acquired by treaty from Mexico. The all-absorb- 
ing question now wa.s, who shall have control of 
this vast empire,; '.d what shall be its future des- 
tiny .' Shall it be doomed to slavery or blessed 
; with freedom ? This, sir, gave rise to the " Wil- 
, mot jiroviso," and added immensely to the im- 
' portance of the qui'Stion which had well nigh 
absorbed the ;>ublic sentiment of the North in 
favor of freedorn for that vast dDniuin. 
1 This led to the discu.s.sion of the slavery ques- 
[ tion prior to the annexation of Texas, and nearly 



all the great men of the nation engaged in the 
controversy. I will now allude to such evidence 
as is within my control on this subject, and call 
the attention of this House and the country to 
the history of men and parties of those days on 
that question; and that my authorities may not 
be disparaged by calling an insignificant witness 
first to the stand, I will take the evidence of 
Franklin Pierce. It is the same Franklin Pierce, 
of New Hampshire, that is now President of the 
United States, and consequently no obscure per- 
son. In 1845 this witness testified as follows: 

" He Iiad only to say now, what he had always said, that 
he regarded slavery as one of the greatest moral and social 
evils — a curse upon the whole country ; and this he helie ved 
to be the sentiment of all men of all parties at the North." 

" Mr. P. was free to admit that he had himself approached 
this subject of annexation [of Texas] with all his prejudices 
and prepossessions against it, and on one ground alone — its 
slavery feature. His convictions on this subject were, as 
he had stated, strong — not the results of any new light." 

" The only difficulty in his mind ever had been, that of a 
recognition by any new act of our Government of the insti- 
tution of domestic slavery; and he had found it extremely 
difficult to bring his mind to a condition impartially to weigh 
the argument for and against the measure." 

This was the testimony of General Pierce, and 
should have its full weight before the country. 
" He regarded slavery as one of the greatest 
moral and social evils." If this is so, sir, it is 
not only our duty to eradicate the evil where it 
now exists, but we are bound to prevent its exten- 
sion. It is the duty of Congress to provide 
promptly such measures as will protect society 
from immoral influences, and secure the people in 
their rights. It may be said we have no power 
over the subject in the States. I reply, we have 
power in this District, which is undoubted, and 
it is our duty to exercise it if the evidence of our 
witness is worthy of belief ; and I claim that for 
him, and demand action. 

Hear this same witness further: it is " a curse 
upon the whole country; and this he believed to 
be the sentiment of all men of all parties at the 
North." Of this no reasonable man has any 
doubt. That it mars the best interests of the 
whole people, is a fact so well authenticated, and 
so firmly established, that to deny it is to make 
yourself ridiculous. Then why not act with that 
philanthropy and patriotism which prompts men 
to generous action and noble deeds.' Why delay, 
when we are all aware that a great and growing 
curse is now upon the whole country, and we 
are all suffering from its effects.' 

At intervals we have peace and good order in the 
Government, undisturbed by the agitation of this 
vexed question; but no sooner was that clearly 
perceptible, than demagogues and political mana- 
gers who had run down, and become worthless 
in the sight of the good men of their respective 
parties, would get up a crisis on this question at 
the expense of the peace of the country. In 
1849- '50 all was excitement; and after the passage 
of the compromise measure of 1850, the country 
passed through a most intense agitation and storm 
of political excitement; and many of the wisest 
and best men and patriots in the nation had seri- 
ous apprehensions that a great and overwhelming 
revolution was approaching, which threatened the 
permanency of our institutions, and the destruc- 
tion of the Union. We all remember the great 
anxiety manifested , and the united effort of all men 
of all parties to adjust those difficulties. The 



people of the North disapprovL , seriously, of 
those measures as disgraceful to them, and for 
several years remonstrated against them. Public 
meetings were held in almost every free State, and 
in almost every city, town, and district, in those 
States, disapproving and condemning those meas- 
ures as subversive of their rights. 

The pro-slavery men of the South, also, ex- 
pressed their disapprobation of those measures, 
in unmistakable and highly denunciatory lan- 
guage. Meetings were held in different parts of 
the South, threatening adissolution of the Union. 
A disruption of political parties then took place. 
Democracy and Whiggery were lost sight of in 
the political chaos which followed the discussions 
upon those questions in that section; and even 
there, in the political hot-bed of sectionalism, the 
wise and patriotic men, who loved their country 
more than party, found themselves, from neces- 
sity, compelled to organize these distracted polit- 
ical elements into a party, for the safety of the 
Union. 

The all-aborbing question then was, what shall 
be done to secure peace and good order to the 
country .' The whole country cried for peace, and 
all political parties and partisans saw the impend- 
ing danger; and a united effort was made, and, 
I am happy 40 say, successfully made, and peace, 
good order, and good will, were restored, and 
the people rejoiced at their deliverance from dan- 
ger and the security of the Union. 

In the adjustment which took place, the free 
people of the North then claimed, as they now 
do, that they were seriously wronged in the set- 
tlement; but for the common good of the country, 
and from motives of patriotism, acquiesced in 
those measures, but never indorsed, approved, or 
sanctioned them in any manner whatever, except 
in silent, indignant, acquiescence, exceedingly 
mortifying and humiliating to them. They re- 
garded it as a humiliating sacrifice, which patri- 
otism only could demand, and no other consider- 
ation on earth could have induced them to yield. 

The freemen of the North had for years looked 
with a jealous eye upon the aggressions of sla- 
very and the slave power, which had been slowly 
stealing itself into every relation of government, 
and threatened an entire subversion of freedom 
and free institutions, even in the North. They 
saw a fixed determination on the part of the 
South to implant slavery upon free territory, 
for the purpose of enlarging the political power 
of the South in the legislative department of this 
Government, and thereby make slavery a national 
institution, and compel the free States of the 
North to assist the South in riveting the chains 
and shackles of the poor, downtrodden slave. 
The united humanity of the North was invoked 
for freedom, against the despotism of the South, 
and many, very many, then determined that 
if the Soutli should be compelled by the Govern- 
ment to become slave-drivers, slave-catchers, and 
blood-hounds, to run down the poor fugitive 
from tyranny and oppression, they would not 
submit to such indignity, but would uncondi- 
tionally refuse to obey the requirements of the 
" fugitive slave law, and let the consequences 
take care of themselves. Others stood silently, 
and with a burning indignation determined, in 
their own minds, that they would submit to that 
as the last wrong, come from where it might. 



d 



The patriots and statesmen of that day saw 
the impending danger, and by their personal in- 
fluence, withmucli persuasion, induced the people 
to acquiesce in those measures. They promised 
that wo should have no more such legislation, if 
the country should become tranc|uil, and agitation 
cease. The people did submit, and agitation 
ceased, and tranquillity was restored; but the 
people then drove from power the men who had 
orought that calantily upon the country. The 
President of the United States, (Mr. Fillmore,) 
who had signed those laws, was a candidate for 
election in the Whig party of 1852; but, notwith- 
standing lie had been elected as Vice President 
on a ticket pledged against the exercise of the 
veto ])ower, he was repudiated by his party and 
condemned for not interposing the veto on those 
measures. 

I allude to this to show the intensity of public 
sentiment on this question, and how difficult it 
was to reconcile an indignant people. The polit- 
ical parties of that day found it necessary to make 
pledges to the country against agitation of the sla- 
very question, in or out cjf Congress. The Whig 
part}' did so; and the Democratic party, in order 
to show its determination to suppress all discussion 
and agitation, passed resolutions at Baltimore still 
stronger than did the Whigs. The* Democrats 
throughout the North denounced slavery, and 
all the troubles growing out of it, and cautioned 
the people against any further agitation, as dan- 
gerous to the Union. They urged the people to 
vote for General Pierce, as the only reliable man 
on that question against agitation. They pub- 
lished pamphlets in this city showing that Gen- 
eral Scott was not reliable on this matter, and 
sent them broadcast all over the country. The 
Democracy only were then reliable; the Democ- 
racy only could restm-e peace and quiet by stop- 
Cing agitation; the country could only be saved 
y the election of General Pierce. The people, 
confiding in their pledges, elected him President 
by an overwhelming majority. The Whig party 
was broken up, and its forces scattered. The 
Democracy then made a coffin, and placed the 
Whig party into it, and with solemn ceremony 
buried it in Long Island sound. An affecting 
obituary notice was tiien published throughout 
the whole extent of the country, in every Dem- 
ocratic newspaper, that the Whig party was no 
more. Then, sir, there was great rejoicing " be- 
cause that destroyer of the peace and happiness 
of the country" had passed from existence, and 
would nevermoredisturbthe peace of the country. 

Put, sir, look at the Democracy now. They are 
doing the Whig party more than justice by claim- 
ing that they are the only conservative party in 
the country; that its statesmen and orators were 
great auxiliaries, in those days, to assist the 
Democratic parly in its nol)le work for the piace 
and quiet of the country. They need the Whigs 
now, and expect to gain them by flattery. Tliat 
the Whig party was a noble and gallant party, 
no honest man will deny — that it had much to 
recommend it, is equally true; and at no time did 
the country see so clearly the true position of the 
Whig party as now, when all is anarchy and 
confusion, and every salutary principle of govern- 
ment is prostrated I'V the misrule of loco tbcoism 
and despotism. VVe hear nothing now about 
British Whigs, bank-bought Whigs, torics, and 



traitors. The time for that kind of bombast is 
past; and those defamed statesmen of the Whig 
party are appealed to with long and loud appeals 
to their patriotism, to come to the rescue of 
sinking loco focoism and cruml)ling despotism. 
How sudden and how wonderful the change ! 
How mysterious and perplexing is all this to the 
uninitiated ! 

When the Kansas-Nebraska act had passed, 
this same party dejiounced the Whig party, and 
cautioned the Democracy to stand fast and not 
permit that party to take advantage of our divis- 
ions, and thereby ruin the country by their des- 
tructive measures, if they got into power. Now, 
sir, those destructive men and measures are just 
what tliey want; and notliing gives tl. em more 
pleasure than to hear that some sickly Whig has 
joined their ranks. The traducers and vilifiers 
of the Whig party are now its eulogizers. Why 
do this, gentlemen, without first apologizing for 
your wrongs, slanders, and injuries upon that 
party? And why, noble, generous, and high- 
minded Wliigs.do you submit to this flattery and 
friendshiji, without explanation for former insult.' 
Have you lost your self-respect and dignity as 
gentlemen, so as now ignominiously to submit to 
their degrading and humiliafing appeals to you? 
They will despise you when tln;y have used you, 
and reproach you for your imbecility and folly. 
There is no mistaking the issue now before the 
country. If you, as Whigs, believe that slavery 
and the slave power should be extended over 
Kansas and Nebraska, then it is your duty to 
support James Buchanan for President. He is the 
only candidate who is pledged to such mi.^chiev- 
ous measures, and he is only pledged to the South 
on that question, and to the North he looks for 
support on the ground of his former predilections 
for freedom and opposition to slavery. There is 
this that I have to say; if you have no objection 
to being cheated, vote for him, and you will 
probably be gratified. He is bound to defraud 
one half of his su]iporters, and you have an equal 
chance with others. If you believe that freedom 
is sectional, and slavery is national, then vote for 
him. If you believe tliat freedom is national, and 
slavery sectional, you can never vole for him. 

This question to you, gentlemen: Do you be- 
lieve that the Democratic party would creep to 
you, as it now does, if it did not have imperative 
need for you.' Did you ever know them to act 
as they arc now doing, since you have known 
anything of that party ? Never. Now I ask you, 
are you willing to join your former foes for the 
purpose of extending slavery.' Are you willing 
to become merged with them as mere rank and 
file, to do the drudgery of slavery and of the 
Democratic party ? If you are prepared for such 
menial service, and such abnegation, then go with 
them, and they will soon own you, and transfer 
you at jileasure to the oligarchs of the South. 
Do you believe that, if they had taken a reason- 
able contract that they could execute, they would 
crawl like snakes after you .' No, nev. r ! Do you 
not know that, if they had the power, they would 
annihilate the last man of you? Do you not 
know that all their pretended regard fov you is 
only afl'ected, and that they will only appropriate 
you to their purposes, and then cast you off as 
unworthy? It seems to me every man of you 
should be able to see that. 



This further question in illustration of my po- 
sition: Did they ever do anything for you wlien 
they had the power? Did they ever elect or ap- 
point any of your men to office or position when 
they had the power? Certainly not within my 
recollection. They have taken a contract to ex- 
tend slavery into Kansas, and they find it more 
load than thoycan carry; and now, when crushed 
under their load, they cry lustily for you, noble- 
hearted, generous, patriotic Whigs, to relieve 
them, will you do it? The Whigs of the South 
will, but the gallant Whigs of the North will not. 
They are patriotic and not selfish, and never sup- 
port such men and such measures. That they 
mtended to extend slavery into Kansas, I have 
the admission, to all intents and purposes, of 
Hon. James L. Orr, of South Carolina, in his 
letter to his constituents, written in December 
last. 

What, then, is our duty, as men loving our 
country and its free institutions? what is to be 
done? how sliallwe act? are questions we should 
solve and each answer satisfactorily to himself. 
I answer for myself, that it is my duty to unite 
with the friends of freedom and free institutions, 
and that I will with fidelity discharge it. I will 
think, and speak, and write, for the party of free- 
dom, and cast my vote for Fremont and freedom. 
We should act together, and make common cause 
against a common enemy, if we mean to succeed. 
Then, I say to all Umon-loving men, Whigs, 
Democrats, Americans, and Republicans, come, 
let us enter this campaign determined to conquer 
our deadly enemy. Let us carry the war into 
" Africa, "and never cease until our enemies shall 
cry for quarter. Then we shall see the time when ! 

" Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise ag£un ; 
Th' eternal years of God are hers ; 
But Error, wounded, writhes in pain, 
And dies amid her worshipers." I 

Our prospects are flattering; and if we are faith- 
ful to our country, our families, and ourselves, 
we must succeed. " There is no such thing as 
fail to those that will." We do not only will, 
but we are determined that truth shall have its 
sway, and justice be done, without regard to con- 
sequences. ! 

Now, sir, in conclusion, I remark, that I have 
shown by incontestable evidence that the fathers 
of the Republic regarded slavery as a withering 



curse — a blight upon the country, and treason 
against God; that it is opposed to the full de- 
velopment of the country, and degrades labor; 
that from its first introduction into the country, 
it has been the source of immense mischief, and 
a disturber of the peace and good order of the 
people; that it has caused dangerous agitation, 
and now threatens a disruption of this Union. 
That such an institution, with such tendencies, 
should find advocates in the free States, is sur- 
prising to me, and must be to every candid inan, 
We must now take things as we find them, and 
look to the future for a correction. We now 
have the alternative fairly before us, and it is left 
for us to choose whether we will serve the God 
of freedom, or the mammon of slavery. Whom 
will you serve? If you believe in the principles 
of the Declaration of American Independence, 
you will act with the Republican party, (the 
friends of .freedom;) but if you repudiate that 
glorious Declaration, you will be proper subjects 
for the service of the mammon of slavery, and 
should act with your masters, and vote with your 
friends, the fillibustering Democracy, or the 
Buchanan Democracy, who are pledged both ways 
on this question, and will inevitably defraud every 
free State man that votes with them, if we are to 
believe the southern Democracy, with whom they 
aje closely allied. 

The vvfliole slave power of the South is now 
united upon a sectional issue for slavery and its 
extension, with the doughfaces of the North. 
Whigs, Democrats, disunionists, fire-eaters, and 
doughfaces, are now united against freedom in 
the North. Sectional and pro-slavery men have 
all united in a crusade against freedom. Southern 
newspapers arc filled with thpir "pronunciamen- 
tos" for slave Democracy ; men that heretofore 
denounced Democracy as agrarianism, jacobin- 
ism, and worse than despotism, are now shouting 
for Buchanan and slavery. Freemen of theNorth, 
I appeal to you as national men, as men who love 
freedom, and your whole country, to stand by 
freedom 's banner, the flag of your country, the 
Constitution and the Union. Let not the cry of a 
dissolution of the Union, by hypocritical pretend- 
ers, deter you from a faithful discharge of your 
duty as American freemen. Let the watchword 
be, Fremont for President and " the Union for- 
ever ! ' ' 



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